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These notes are a very personal view, not well researched, and possibly severely flawed.
The first topic is what determines whether students stay on or drop out at universities. Various terms may reasonably be used for this area. The negative-looking ones are failure, dropout, attrition; the positive-looking ones are retention, persistence. Tinto offers a theory for understanding this. Elsewhere I also have some notes on basic comparative dropout rates.
The follow-on topic is about the school-university transition. In it I argue that this is in fact a sub-part of the Tinto issue.
Some other pointers related to Tinto are on another page including surveys related to dropouts at this university, a review of the literature related to Tinto, and a variety of diagrams expressing Tinto's theory.
This is adapted by me from
Tinto,V. (1975) "Dropout from Higher Education: A Theoretical Synthesis of
Recent Research" Review of Educational Research vol.45, pp.89-125.
Its central idea is that of "integration": it claims that whether a student persists or drops out is quite strongly predicted by their degree of academic integration, and social integration. These evolve over time, as integration and commmitment interact, with dropouts depending on commitment at the time of the decision. A first pass might perhaps try to measure these by:
More perniciously, by never discussing the design of questionnaire items, major theoretical issues are ignored. For instance does "social integration" mean integration within that institution, or generally? Probably Tinto meant the former. Yet a student with no friends anywhere, and a student with plenty of friends who however are not enrolled at the same college are likely to show different tendencies to dropout. Scrutiny and discussion of individual questionnaire items is a good way to identify theoretical issues, and conversely eschewing such discussion furthermore makes it likely that no two studies are measuring the same thing, yet are unable to determine this.
Even then, it will be like interviewing people about their divorces: everyone will have a story, but it is a story they can live with, scarcely a dispassionate account. Rationalisation by each student, particularly dropouts, may mean that what they say about causes is not useful. They will be very likely to describe cause as external factors (the classic Social Psychology attribution error?). So for this, should attend only to data on external factors, and get it equally for persisters. In fact the Brown and Harris method of collecting descriptions of external factors for all, and getting a panel of experts to rate their seriousness "blindly", may be essential.
Similarly for "internal" and all "ask them" measures of attitude, Tinto integration etc.: we should ask all students before as well as after external events, and before exam results, and before dropouts. I.e. do prospective studies.
SO:
At the opposite end of a spectrum from statistical treatment of multiple factors at once, would be case studies: looking for cases where a particular feature of the model is crucial, for instance personal staff contact as essential for adequate "social integration" which in turn is an important pre-requisite for whether nor not a student seeks help when they need it. Slightly beyond case studies might be surveys measuring just this factor every 2 weeks (say), then when a jump is seen in an individual's measure on this, following up with an interview to identify what critical incident caused this shift. Such an approach might both operationalise and establish parts of the overall model, piece by piece.
Another notion is Bordieu's "habitus", which Thomas (2002b) explicates as "the norms and practices of particular social classes or groups". For me, the issue this indicates can be construed as to do with how the role of student has aspects to do with fitting the academic institution, with fellow students, and with external social groups and their views of the place and value of students.
What follows is my proposed extension of Tinto or synthesis of Tinto's original model with additional concepts. A further development of the concept(s) might expand the notion of "integration" in the following way. Firstly, consider it as a measure of fitting the role of student. Does the student feel that they fit happily into the role of student? Fit has two aspects: internally, do they feel it fits them from a personal perspective, and externally, do they feel happy in how others view them in this role. Fitting is about any causes of friction or dissonance, even those too slight to be consciously noticed and spoken about. We can see the role as having two major aspects, academic and social. The academic is about learning, and the activities necessary for that. The social is about fit with the groups the student cares about, both inside and outside the university. A person who identifies totally with being a student will care only about their place with other students, ignoring the values of any outside groups; someone who comes from a family that expects a university qualification will probably make friends in the university but also expect family and employers to regard being a university student as an expected and worthwhile stage in life; but someone from a family or group unused to university may have trouble with the mismatch between being a student and markers of respect such as a job, current income, an expensive car, children of one's own, etc.
Another dimension is to distinguish goals, methods, and effectiveness or achievement. Clearly a person may love an objective but dislike some method necessary to achieving it: may like writing essays but be bored by the preparatory reading (or vice versa), just as someone may love tropical holidays but be afraid of flying to get there. Treating the achievement as distinct from the goal is in a way redundant, but provides an opportunity to examine the gaps there can be -- for instance due to the problems of assessment -- between the measures used and the aims they are supposed to assess, and also between a student's aims and their actual achievement. A person can sometimes feel they love a subject and yet be hopeless at learning it. Another reason (for looking at both goals and achievement) is that a person may not have thought much about a goal, yet on failing to achieve it they feel a problem e.g. not getting on with staff or fellow students may not have been an aim one way or the other, but can subsequently be felt as a problem anyway.
The third distinction, between internal / external aspects of fit, comes from the standard distinction between intrinsic and extrinsic motivations for learning: whether you do it for personal reasons (interest, enjoyment, curiosity, "for its own sake"), or for extrinsic reasons (means to another end, to get the qualification, to be admired, ...). But in principle this can be applied not just to the motivation (the goal), but to activities/methods and results. For each activity may have some positive or negative inherent value for an individual apart from the goal, and this may be for intrinsic or extrinsic reasons. For instance asking questions in class might draw dislike from other students (extrinsic negative value), but be useful for the individual in checking whether they have understood (a standard personal learning technique with positive intrinsic value). In general, for methods and intrinsic/extrinsic, we should ask a) are there any things others (staff or students) require of you but you hate (or love); e.g. tutorials make you nervous, computer use is compulsory, hours in the lab are tedious. b) are there any things (learning methods) that you require or find important for your learning, but which others obstruct; e.g. you need to ask questions (but there's not time); you want time to think, but the lecture always rushes on; you want to discuss an idea, but everyone has to leave and there is no place or time to do it.
For each resulting element I indicate one or more draft phrasings for a
corresponding questionnaire item. These items may be in an open-ended form
(asking the participant to tell us if there's anything that might be an issue
in this category), or sometimes specific where experience suggests examples of
specific things that have been a problem for some students. Additionally, for
some I indicate a remedial intervention (abbreviated below to "fix") that
might be tried if the aspect seemed a particular problem in a given context.
Words in [square brackets] are pointers to other theoretical concepts.
Does "integrated" mean:
Does social integration mean:
There aren't just 3 points on the dimension of {Goal, method, effectiveness}. Instead there are at least 5 points, maybe an arbitrary number. If so then should multiply out the schema above by 5 not 3 points. The basic idea is that some goals correspond to large external motivations, others are simply means to an end serving larger goals. And similarly, a large method like a lecture requires component skills from the student to benefit from it much. My suggestion for an expanded dimension might be:
Similarly, perhaps should split the goal and method points above and multiply all by {(don't know), Know, can do, fit/like}. As well as asking questions that presuppose they KNOW what is needed for methods (say), we should test this assumption by questions about whether they know what is needed. That is, do they HAVE:
What do I think of this? well it is true that all of these have typical university structures associated with them, so if I want to explain the LTP perhaps I do need to expand to cover them? On the other hand, they are probably important to dropouts, but maybe not otherwise to learning.
She is interested in a) dropouts b) "widening access" i.e. getting and retaining a wider set of types of student. And argues with evidence that maximising these means attending more to all 5 spheres.
She uses, and partly explains, the notion of social capital. (Her paper gives some explanation of the concept and a number of references such as Shuller & Bamford (2000).) But perhaps it actually isn't necessary except broadly to think of this broader set of spheres, and the general idea (already in Tinto) that weakness for a student in one can be compensated by strengths in others. But in fact maybe her data (Thomas; 2002b) really partly goes against this: i.e. she found that money wasn't an important reason for presistence or dropout, and so isn't the same kind of predictor as, say, social integration.
Social capital (seems to) mean: prior acquisition of contacts substitutes to some extent for present knowledge. This is both learning but also actually connection to people/resources i.e. not just internal learning but connection. Actually consistent with Unix expertise: you can substitute knowing how to learn for already having learned; and consistent with socially distributed knowledge. I don't know if the metaphor of capital helps; but it is in another way a smple extension of the idea of pre-requisites from facts and skills in the chosen topic to other things.
So what do I take from it?
a) To predict dropouts, we may need all 5 spheres.
b) And they are all definitely about integration (e.g. economic: learning to
live on that amount, and this is eased by living with others using the same
constraints).
c) "Capital" does signal the advantage of pre-adaptation or prior preparation,
and how it can be traded on to solve new problems rather than be the
pre-solution.
d) And how it is not just about individual knowledge so much as working
contacts: having access to the socially distributed resources important to
being a student.
I'm dubious because:
a) The support and democratic spheres don't seem to affect all or even most
students; but the others do. The capital metaphor may help in understanding
the preconditions for these spheres too to work well; but I don't believe they
are so important?
b) The economic sphere affects all students; yet her research apparently
suggests it isn't as important in determining dropouts. So Tinto was right
after all? focus on academic and social spheres.
There are really 3 possible views of this:
This is a crucial section because:
The whole business of school qualifications as preparation for HE. Commonsense says that this is about knowledge pre-requisites: knowing facts and skills that will be necessary and presupposed at university. However it may really be a case of "pre-integration": of giving students previous experience of what the subject mattter, and its associated study patterns, feels like so that they can make an informed choice about what university course they may like and be competent at. A relevant study would be to measure prior conceptions of both subject matter, higher education, jobs, ... etc. as tacitly creating a pre-integration level.
Field trips
Reading parties
Cheese and wine welcome parties
So called peer assisted learning (PAL) or supplemental instruction: student-student mentoring.
Feedback: summative assessment information to tell students that they "are" a Geographer or whatever. Rank in the class?
Summer scholarship / working in a staff member's lab.
Groupwork (i.e. organised and made compulsory by the course).
Study groups (i.e. student-only peer groups).
Amount of discussing in L-acts (class, seminars, ...) BOTH personal
contributions AND seeing what others think.
Finance: bursaries, scholarships, hardship funds, etc.
Support services e.g. counselling, health
Students' unions. Student representation on committees etc.
Senses of "social":
We could ask, and perhaps even find empirical answers to, which of these
levels most determines a student's success (i.e. is it external forces like
money and social class, individual taste for learning, or what).
However one of the ways in which Tinto's approach may be better than some other
ways of talking about this area is that it doesn't align with the simplistic
question of whether the student or the university should be "blamed", despite
what Ozga & Sukhnandan (1998) suggest. The metaphor of integration is
about fit; it is not about one party adapting to the other, but about whether
they go together well. Even more than that, like other human relationships
(but unlike whether a square peg fits a round hole), integration is clearly the current
outcome of a relationship of sequential interchanges which progressively
modify that relationship: hopefully for the better. As a student has more
successful interactions with a tutor, for example, they are likely not just to
be learning a few extra facts but to feel more integrated with positive
knock-on effects for instance in how willing they are to ask for further help
in future, and to ask for it in a way that gets results from that individual
tutor.
So in the end we should be able to:
Tinto (1982) has a striking fact illustrated in a graph: that for the last 100 years the dropout rate for universities in the USA has been constant at 45%, despite big changes in the participation rate and amount of public funding. (Dropout rate was here defined as the ratio of undergraduate degrees awarded to the first-time enrollment four years before.) The second world war causes the only big wobble in the flat graph, and yet averaged across 10 years even there the rate is near-constant (because positive and negative blips cancelled out). In the UK and again in Europe, rates are very different, but perhaps largely constant in each. (Thomas 2002b gives the UK rate as 13% in 1982/3 and 17% in 1997/8 after great expansion, attributing these figures to a House of Commons Select Committee report.) Tinto discusses how that implies that such research is probably limited to dealing with social and/or local inequalities, rather than to overall change in dropout rates.
A related point of view is expressed by Tony Jenkins here.
I wanted to suggest that part of the issue may be that that commonsense model of school-university pre-requisites is actually wrong for most subjects, and perhaps particularly wrong for computing science. Pre-requisites may be facts, may be specific skills (e.g. integral calculus, debugging a program regardless of language), or they may be still more general: an orientation to a way of learning that suits a particular subject. Facts are almost entirely useless as a pre-requisites in computer science, not only individually but also in the big "lumps" of programming languages and specific packages such as Excel. Syllabuses [?spelling] written in these terms will fail as worthwhile pre-requisite qualifications (even though assessment within and outwith university is usually reliant on knowledge of such facts). Actually, I argued, this is also true to a greater degree than is usually acknowledged in other subjects such as English and Physics. For instance (if you'll accept a decaying memory of how it was a long time ago in England for physics as any kind of evidence), specific A-level material in physics was hardly ever re-used, but the maths I'd had to do was almost all vital from early on, but most important probably was that learning school physics was indeed a good guide to whether I'd enjoy university physics AND to the kinds of skill and activity involved in learning university physics. Thus the real function of requiring school physics in order to do university physics may really, contrary to the commonsense model, not be the explicit curriculum of Newton's law etc. (i.e. of facts) but of getting experience of what learning physics feels like, and so allowing the learner to make an informed choice of university subject. Insisting on it may possibly exclude some who would actually have turned out to be able to cope, but because the requirement has existed for a long time, it disadvantages few.
The main complaint from staff, but more importantly from students, in computing science is that school computing does not prepare them for university computing. They do NOT in fact say they "already have a substantial understanding of the subject matter" (as Kenneth suggests) and that it is all too easy. That is what the commonsense model predicts, but it doesn't seem to be what is actually the case. That is why universities feel justified in ignoring school computing science. On the other hand, the failure rates mean universities wouldn't mind at all at all if schools found a way to do useful preparation: but the most useful preparation (I suggest) would be in expectations, to pre-select students who would turn out to enjoy (and cope with) university computing science. So from this viewpoint, the challenge is to redesign school computing to do a job comparable to that done implicitly by school physics (say), rather than the apparently commonsense requirement of learning some facts and skills. In other subjects these overlap enough not to have to recognise the difference, but in computing science we may just not be able to get away with the commonsense but wrong idea of the relationship between school and university learning.
There is no reason to think one subject (e.g. computing science) is going to be just like any other in the matter of what is important for teaching, and hence what is important for school fore-runners to university forms of the subject.
Historically, subjects probably migrate from research down to schools. Part of this is learning how to teach it better.
Should school and HE forms of a subject be coordinated in any way?
However:
So:
Transition is arguably, as far as theory as opposed to implementation detail
goes, a) pre-integration (i.e. a subarea of Tinto). b) How to interest learners
in a subject with simpler, smaller, versions of it.
Lynn Walker's 1996 thesis says they worked here at University of Glasgow except for science in raising "participation" from deprived areas to that of the average.
Is summer school meant to be better than first year teaching (smaller groups, and take advantage of this by more interaction and better learning activities) OR should it be realistic and so prepare them.
Functions of summer schools may be all of these:
Tinto,V. (1975) "Dropout from Higher Education: A Theoretical Synthesis of Recent Research" Review of Educational Research vol.45, pp.89-125.
See also:
Tinto,V. (1982) "Limits of theory and practice in student attrition"
Journal of Higher Education
vol.53 no.6 pp.687-700
Tinto,V. (1988) "Stages of Student Departure: Reflection on the Longitudinal Character of Student Leaving" Journal of Higher Education vol.59 no.4 pp.438-455
Ozga,J & Sukhnandan,L. (1998) "Undergraduate non-completion: Developing an explanatory model" Higher Education Quarterly vol.52 no.3 pp.316-333
Tinto,V. (1987) Leaving College (Chicago,University of Chicago Press).
But for criticism see Brunsden,V. & Davies,M. (2000) "Why do HE Students Drop Out? A test of Tinto's model" Journal of Further and Higher Education vol.24 no.3 pp.301-310
Bill Patrick (2001) "Students Matter: Student Retention: who stays and who leaves" The University Newsletter http://www.gla.ac.uk/newsletter/227/html/news15.html This report is based on a survey of all first year students at the University of Glasgow, and is an example of the implicit influence of Tinto.
Claire Carney & Sharon McNeish (2001) "Students Matter: Study links part-time work to student ill-health" The University Newsletter http://www.gla.ac.uk/newsletter/226/html/news29.html
See also Rosanna Breen's PhD at Oxford Brookes.
Breen,R. & Lindsay,R. (1999) "Academic research and student motivation"
Studies in Higher Education
vol.24 pp.75-93
Tony Jenkins (2002) "On the difficulty of learning to program" LTSN conference
Schuller,T. & Bamford,C. (2000) "A social capital approach to the analysis of continuing education: evidence from the UK Learning Society research programme" Oxford Review of Education vol.26 no.1 pp.5-19
Thomas,E.A.M. (2002a) "Building social capital to improve student success" BERA conference
Thomas,E.A.M. (2002b) "Student retention in Higher Education: The role of institutional habitus" Journal of Educational Policy vol.17 no.4 pp.423-432
Lynn Walker (1996) An evaluation of the pre-university summer school at the University of Glasgow, 1986-1993, and its effects on student performance PhD thesis [Faculty of Arts, Department of Education], University of Glasgow. [Level 12 Spec Coll Thesis 10493]
Thomas,S.L. (2000) "Ties that bind: A social network approach to understanding student integration and persistence" Journal of Higher Education vol.75 no.5 pp.591-615
Bray,N.J., Braxton,J.M. & Sullivan,A.S. (1999) "The influence of stress-related coping strategies on college student departure decisions" Journal of College Student Development vol.40 no.6 pp.645-657
Elkins,S.A, Braxton,J.M., & James,G.W. (2000) "Tinto's separation stage and its influence on first-Semester college student persistence" Research in Higher Education vol.41 no.2 pp.251-268
Borglum,K. & Kubala,T. (2000) "Academic and social integration of community college students: a case study" Community College Journal of Research and Practice vol.24 pp.567-576
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